Discussion
We found systematic differences in the sociodemographic and psychographic characteristics of individuals who were vaccine averse, unsure or accepting. Vaccine-accepting individuals were more likely to be racial minorities (black, Hispanic or other race), have unknown health insurance, have unknown income and report symptoms of mental illness. Conversely, vaccine-averse individuals were mostly white, older, wealthy, highly educated and self-employed or private sector-employed adults. Vaccine-accepting adults reported the highest percentage for logistical challenges as a barrier to vaccination; those vaccine unsure reported the highest percentage for uncertainty around safety/effectiveness, whereas those vaccine averse reported the highest percentage for ideological reasons for non-vaccination (eg, perceived low susceptibility and low perceived seriousness of COVID-19). The psychographic and sociodemographic characteristics of these three different segments (averse, unsure or accepting), including their identified barriers/motivators, can inform tailored interventions to overcome impeding constraints to vaccination. For example, to increase the vaccine coverage among the vaccine accepting in current or future vaccination campaigns, it would be helpful to consider expanding access to include non-traditional settings, including barber shops, religious centres, fitness centres and home vaccinations. For the vaccine unsure, lessons can be drawn from the normalisation of certain other preventive public health interventions, such as the use of social media by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention to rightly inform people about public health issues.18 The use of famous individuals who were previously hesitant but are now vaccinated as COVID-19 vaccine ambassadors may also help overcome certain objections to receiving vaccines.19 While it is possible that there are some vaccine-averse individuals who might still be swayed at this point, that population is likely quite small due to ideological beliefs about vaccines and distrust of the government which, while it is not impossible, are unlikely to be remediated by the medical/public health community. Nevertheless, there is value in characterising the unvaccinated population by adverse, unsure and accepting, as we have done in this manuscript, to form a more nuanced picture of barriers to vaccination among these groups. This characterisation is valuable, particularly when viewed through the lens of future vaccination efforts for other infectious diseases that may emerge (or re-emerge).
Among the unvaccinated population, we found dramatic differences in their vaccine dispositions based on their occupational settings. Application of the health belief model in this context would suggest that perceived risk and perceived susceptibility would differ conceivably based on actual exposure risk to COVID-19 in one’s day-to-day life.20 21 However, with the pandemic being so drawn out in duration, there is the possibility of habituation, that is, lowered perceived risk in the context of continuous or exposure. Habituation may explain why past COVID-19 diagnosis was not significantly associated with vaccine disposition among the unvaccinated.22 Habituation may further explain why funeral home workers had the least percentage of those who were vaccine unsure (ie, ambivalent to receiving a vaccine, 7.2%)—most of the workers in this setting were anchored to the more definitive dispositions of vaccine aversion or vaccine acceptance, with the former being the majority at 67.0%. Currently, the cases are more than 93 million and an estimation of 98.2% recovery rate.21 23 24 Therefore, perceived seriousness of COVID-19 may be lowered even if perceived susceptibility is high. With COVID-19 rising to become the third leading cause of death in the USA, surpassed only by heart disease and cancer,25 deathcare workers who have managed a lot of COVID-19-related deaths may become firmly committed to a definitive stance on vaccines based on anecdotal evidence around them. In contrast, pharmacy workers had the highest percentage of those vaccine unsure among the unvaccinated, at 62.6%, which is a paradox given that pharmacies have been a key location for vaccinations in the USA.26 The probability of vaccine aversion among the unvaccinated also increased with increasing age; it is not clear whether this age trend is due to older adults being more set in their ways, or that they have higher likelihood of having conditions that could be flagged as precautions or contraindications for COVID-19 vaccine. Examples of these precautions include people who experience symptoms immediately (in less than 4 hours) and generalised symptoms of a likely allergic reaction and individuals with a generalised allergic reaction to any constituent of the COVID-19 vaccine to be given, while examples of contraindications include anaphylaxis to an initial dose of an mRNA COVID-19 vaccine and anaphylaxis to any constituent of the vaccine, such as polyethylene glycol.27 From a surveillance perspective, it will be helpful to include questions on health conditions associated with vaccine disposition so that a differentiation can be made between those vaccine averse and those vaccine ineligible. This differentiation is important because it has implications for targeted public health interventions.
All 50 US states and DC have exceeded the 70% vaccine coverage targeted set up by WHO28; the range of vaccine coverage in our study was from 71.0% (Wyoming) to 94.2% (DC). The USA currently ranks sixth out of 10 top-income and high-income countries in terms of vaccine coverage,29 30 with 79% of the US adult population having received at least one dose of the vaccine.31 Disparities, however, existed, as the percentage of unvaccinated was highest among transgender, those with low income, uninsured, with two or more small children aged less than 5 years in their household and young adults. It would be important to monitor the equity impact of population interventions to increase vaccine coverage to ensure existing disparities are not being widened. It would also benefit public health to understand and address the unique challenges and concerns of these populations to increase vaccine uptake.
Limitations
The findings in this report are subject to several limitations. First, self-reported measures may be subject to misreporting, including COVID-19 diagnosis and vaccination status. Second, small sample sizes for some population subgroups resulted in some imprecise estimates. Third, the results of this study may not be generalisable to individuals outside the sampling frame, including persons in the military, in prisons or other institutionalised settings. Despite adjustment for differential non-response bias, the web-based survey may have resulted in some selection bias to the exclusion of individuals of low socioeconomic status. Fourth, there was not much information on other health issues that might be related to the willingness to take a COVID-19 vaccine. This consideration is important as some proportion of the population may not be eligible for certain vaccination on account of contraindicating conditions such as history of a severe allergic reaction (eg, anaphylaxis) after a previous dose or to a component of the COVID-19 vaccine. Still, others may have conditions that, while not outrightly contraindicating a COVID-19 vaccine, warrant precaution, such as those with history of anaphylaxis after any vaccine other than COVID-19 vaccine or after any injectable therapy (ie, intramuscular, intravenous or subcutaneous vaccines or therapies).32 Finally, we urge cautious interpretation of our measures of association as they do not imply causation.